The Gordon Highlanders
The Life of a Regiment

The Gordon Highlanders

Regimental History

Drums & Pipes

Regimental
Association

Regimental Museum

[page 290]

CHAPTER XIX

N

APOLEON was in Germany (where, and in Poland, he had about 700,000 French soldiers) when he heard of the battle of Vittoria; he immediately appointed Marshal Soult[1] to command the army of Spain in place of his brother, King Joseph. There were still in Catalonia and Aragon over 60,000 French, and the whole force employed against Spain amounted to 180,000 men and 20,000 horses, of which 156,000 were present under arms; but when the garrisons of Pampeluna, San Sebastian, Bayonne, etc., were deducted, Soult had only 77,500 men present under arms, of whom 7000 were cavalry. This army was divided into three corps of battle and a reserve. Clauzel commanded the left at St. Jean Pied de Port; Drouet, Count d'Erlon, commanded the centre at Espelette and Ainhoa, with an advanced guard at Urdax ; Reille, with the right, was in position overlooking Vera; while the reserve under Villatte guarded the Bidassoa from its mouth up to Irun, where he destroyed the bridge. The cavalry were on the banks of the Nive and Adour.[2]

The position of Wellington's army was as follows:—Byng's Brigade of the Second Division and Morillo's Spaniards were on the right, in front of the Pass of Roncesvalles near St. Jean Pied de Port. On Byng's left was Campbell's Portuguese Brigade, supported by the Fourth Division under Cole, at Viscayret. On Campbell's left, Hill defended the Bastan with the rest of the Second Division and Hamilton's Portuguese. Picton, with the Third Division, was at Olague as a reserve both to Hill and Cole. On Hill's left, the Seventh and Light Divisions occupied the mountains from Echellar to Vera, and behind them at San Estevan was the Sixth Division. Lonja's Spaniards continued the line of defence from Vera to Giron's position, which extended along the Bidassoa to the sea, and behind Giron was Sir Thomas Graham with the army besieging San Sebastian. Thirty-six pieces of artillery and some cavalry were with the right and centre, but most of the cavalry were left behind the mountains about Tafalla. The great hospitals were at Vittoria and Bilbao. The whole force under Wellington in Navarre and Guipuscoa, including British. Spanish, and Portuguese, was about 100,000, of whom abouc 82,000 were present under arms.

The 92nd, under Major Mitchell (for Colonel Cameron was acting as Brigadier to the First Brigade), remained a fortnight in camp, 200 yards to the left of the road where the Atchiola Mountain rises from the pass. They were disturbed only by a tremendous storm of rain and wind, which blew down most of the tents one night, and damaged the arms and accoutrements greatly, besides [291] destroying a good deal of ammunition. The 71st was 300 yards to the left of the 92nd; the 82nd, from Barnes' Brigade, Seventh Division, were about a mile up the mountain to the left of the 71st; the 50th lay half a mile from the 92nd down the slope on the Spanish side, and three Portuguese guns were between the 92nd and the road. The Second Brigade, Second Division, were behind, near the village of Maya, having the 34th advanced towards the heights on the right, where strong pickets were posted.

It is remarkable how many battles have been fought on Sunday. The chaplain attached to the First Brigade had more than once lost his congregation owing to the movements of the enemy, and on Saturday the 24th of July he visited the camp, and on leaving said, "Gentlemen, we shall have divine service to-morrow, God and the French being willing." With what fearful effect the French interposed will now be described.

On the 25th, the 92nd had a foraging party with the regimental mules out early for firewood, which had not yet returned; the rest were preparing, in the sunshine of the forenoon, for the expected divine service. Unaware that Soult, wishing to relieve Pampeluna, had been concentrating troops for a simultaneous attack on Byng at Roncesvalles, on Campbell and Cole near Viscayret, and on Maya, General Stewart was at Elizondo on that Sunday morning thinking all quiet in front.

The Col de Maya is three miles broad. There were three passes to defend—at Aretesque on the right, Lassessa in the centre, and Maya on the left. General Pringle's Brigade was to defend Aretesque, and Colonel Cameron's Brigade the Maya and Lassessa Passes. The officer relieving the picket at Aretesque was told by his predecessor that a glimpse had been obtained at dawn of troops in movement in front. Captain Armstrong of the 71st, who was on picket at Maya, also observed troops in motion far away, and reported the circumstance to Colonel Cameron, who, with a number of officers, proceeded to satisfy himself. After looking through a spy-glass, a young officer remarked that what Armstrong took for French troops was nothing more dangerous than a drove of bullocks. "By J——s, young man, if they're bullocks they have bayonets on their horns!" said the indignant captain. "Few," adds the officer who relates the incident, "had greater reason to remember the correctness of the captain's remark than the individual who provoked it, for he was severely wounded in the action that followed by one of' Armstrong's bullocks,' as Frenchmen were afterwards denominated by us."[3]

[292] The Light Companies of the Second Brigade were ordered to support the pickets, and had just formed at the Rock of Aretesque when the Corps d'Armée under d'Erlon advanced. D'Armagnac's Division mounted the great hill in front, Abbé followed, and Maransin, with a third division, advanced from Urdax against the principal pass of Maya, meaning also to turn it by a path leading up the Atchiola Mountain. D'Armagnac's men came on in several columns and forced back the picket with great loss upon the light companies, who with difficulty sustained the assault. The alarm guns at Maya were now heard, and General Pringle hastened to the front; but his regiments, moving hurriedly from different camps, could only come into action one after the other and by companies, breathless from the steep ascent, first the 34th, followed by the 39th and 28th. But before the two latter could arrive, and notwithstanding the desperate fighting of the picket, the light companies, and the 34th, d'Armagnac's troops, supported by Abbé, had, by numbers and valour combined, established themselves on the ridge of the position. Colonel Cameron then sent the 50th to the assistance of the overmatched troops, and that "fierce and formidable" old regiment, charging the head of an advancing column, drove it clear out of the pass of Lassessa. But the French were so many that though checked at one point, they assembled with increased force at another; nor could General Pringle restore the battle with the 39th and 28th Regiments, which, cut off from the others, were forced back, fighting desperately, to a lower ridge crossing the road to Elizondo. They were followed by d' Armagnac, but Abbé continued to press the 50th and 34th, whose line of retreat was towards the Atchiola, where Cameron's Brigade was. "And that officer, still holding the pass of Maya with the left wings of the 71st and 92nd Regiments, brought their right wings and the Portuguese guns into action, and thus maintained the fight; but so dreadful was the slaughter, especially of the 92nd, that it is said the advancing enemy was actually stopped by the heaped mass of dead and dying."[4]

It was at this moment that General Stewart reached the field of battle. The passes of Lassessa and Aretesque were lost, that of Maya was still held by the left wing of the 71st; but Stewart, seeing Maransin's division gathering on one side and Abbé's on the other, abandoned it for a new position covering the road to Atchiola, called down the 82nd from that mountain, and sent messengers to the Seventh Division for help. Stewart, although wounded, continued his resistance; but General Maransin suddenly thrust the head of his division across the front of the British, and [293, July 1813] connected his left with Abbé, throwing as he passed a destructive fire into the wasted remnant of the 92nd, which even then gave way sullenly. The men fell till two-thirds of the whole had gone to the ground, and the left wing of the 71st came into action; but one after another all the regiments were forced back, and the first position was lost, together with the Portuguese guns.[5]  Abbé's division now followed d'Armagnac's towards the town of Maya, leaving Maransin's division to deal with Stewart in his new position, which was held (though the small British force had shrunk in numbers and was short of ammunition) till a brigade of the seventh division under General Barnes arrived from Echellar and drove the French back to Maya ridge, when d'Erlon, probably thinking larger reinforcements had arrived, recalled his other divisions and united his whole corps. His loss was I500 men and a general.

The above account is taken from Napier's History, who gives, in Appendix No. 4, the following extract from a MS. memoir by Captain Norton, 34th Regiment, showing the situation of the 92nd as it appeared from a distance. "The 39th Regiment then immediately engaged the French, and after a severe contest also retired. The 50th was next in succession, and they also, after a gallant stand, retired, making way for the 92nd, which met the advancing French column first with its right wing drawn up in line, and after a most destructive fire and heavy loss on both sides, the remnant of the right wing retired, leaving a line of killed and wounded that appeared to have no interval. The French column advanced up to this line and then halted, the killed and wounded of the 92nd forming a sort of rampart; the left wing then opened its fire upon the column, and as I was but a little to be right of the 92nd, I could not help reflecting painfully how many of the wounded of their right wing must have unavoidably suffered from the fire of their comrades. The left wing, after doing good service and sustaining a loss equal to the first line, retired."

The following more detailed account of the movements of the 92nd, particularly of the right wing, is taken from the memoirs of the subaltern officer who brought it out of the first part of the action.

It was after eleven o'clock when the attack on the pickets began. As we have seen, the charge of the 50th, following the 34th and 39th, checked for a moment the career of the French; but d'Erlon, availing himself of his great superiority in numbers, charged these corps in front, at the same time sending strong columns on each [294, July 1813] flank to surround them. At this critical period the right wing of the 92nd, nearly 400 strong, under Major John MacPherson, entered the field and took part in the fray. On their arrival, the Highlanders were a good deal blown, having advanced a mile and a half mostly at the double. The situation of their friends, however, was such that they formed line without a moment's delay and at once advanced. The enemy, seeing their intention to charge, halted, and thereby afforded the 34th and 50th an opportunity of retiring to re-form their ranks. Enraged at the failure of his attempt to capture these two battalions, the French general now turned his fury against the Highlanders and tried to annihilate them by showers of musketry. They, however, nothing intimidated, returned the fire with admirable steadiness and effect. Perceiving that the enemy was acting cautiously, Cameron (Brigadier), wishing to draw him to ground where he could charge him, retired the Highlanders, when the French general, mistaking the reason for the retrograde movement, pushed forward over 3000 troops, who advanced making the air ring with their shouts of "Vive l'Empereur!"  Conceiving that the enemy had made up his mind to meet the steel, Cameron ordered the Highlanders to halt-front-and prepare to charge. On seeing them halt, the French did the same, and instantly opened a terrific fire of musketry. At this time the space between the combatants was not more than 120 paces, while the enemy numbered about eight to one. From the 92nd to the French front line the ground was almost level, but in rear of their foremost troops was a narrow ravine, behind which rose abruptly a considerable eminence, from the face of which the French fired over the heads of their comrades on the small body of Highlanders. These did not, however, return it, but directed the whole of their fire on that part of the enemy's force stationed on the brow of the ravine nearest to themselves, and so coolly and admirably was it given, that in ten minutes the French dead lay literally in heaps. The slaughter was so appalling, indeed, that the utmost efforts of the officers failed to make their men advance beyond their slain. At times they prevailed on a section or two to follow them, but the sight of their comrades' mangled corpses was too much, they invariably gave way. One officer rendered himself conspicuous by his repeated and gallant attempts to induce his men to charge the diminishing band of feathered bonnets. He advanced alone about fifteen paces before them, struck his sword into the ground, and crossing his arms on his breast, stood facing our men. His noble conduct might have had the effect he desired, a spark from his spirit might have fired the increasing mass of men in the ravine behind him, who might, by sheer weight of numbers, have overwhelmed the Highlanders, [295, July 1813] had not Private Archibald M'Lean, stepping to the front and kneeling down, taken deliberate aim and shot him.

The officer from whose memoirs I take this account, and who was present, says:—"To have killed this officer under any other circumstances than those in which the 92nd were placed would have been considered by us as an act or deliberate cruelty, but when the respective numbers of the combatants are kept in view, every impartial man will admit that the death of the officer was indispensably necessary to our safety. I never felt so much for any individual as for that truly brave man."

During the hottest of the fire, Sergeant Cattanach,[6] whose place was in rear of the officer commanding his company, tapped him on the shoulder, saying he wished to speak to him. On his officer turning, he said, "Oh, sir, this is terrible work, let me change places with you for a few minutes." Respecting the generous motive of the sergeant in offering to place himself between the bullets and his officer, the latter thanked him, but desired him to attend to his duty in the rear; in a few moments the sergeant repeated his proposal, but being told not to mention the subject again, he resumed his post with a look of disappointment, and shortly after was shot in the groin. His brother, a private, ran to his assistance, when he begged to be laid in rear of the company, but had scarcely spoken when a second bullet killed the brave and warm-hearted sergeant on the spot. William Bisset, a private in the same company, was wounded in the thigh. He quitted the scene of action leaning on his musket, blood flowing copiously as he hobbled away; but halting at a little distance to look back, and seeing his comrades still supporting the unequal conflict, he returned and took his place in the ranks. His officer advised him to retire and at least get his wound bandaged, when Bisset said, “I must have another shot at the rascals, sir, before I leave you.”  He fired once, and was about to have a second shot when a ball broke his arm, and he was compelled finally to retire from the field. Many similar instances of devotion no doubt occurred.

This sanguinary combat was sustained for over twenty minutes, during which time more than half the men had been killed and wounded, and all the officers wounded and carried from the field except two lieutenants, while of the soldiers still standing many were short of ammunition. No help was in sight, and 3000 against 200 is long odds; therefore the senior of the two subalterns decided “under all the circumstances"[7] to retire, which they accordingly did in perfect order, pursued slowly by the French, who did not take a prisoner but such as fell by the musketry they poured on them during the retreat. This determined and [296, July 1813] unflinching stand remains an unsurpassed example of the perfection of steady fire-discipline, dauntless courage, and devoted bravery.

On getting behind the height in front of which they had been engaged, they found the 28th and right wing of the 71st hastening to their relief. The former attacked the enemy's leading columns, but soon after, moving down the hill, they joined the 34th and 39th in the valley, and the rear of the shattered band of Highlanders was completely unprotected. Under these circumstances they, with the 50th, retired to the pass, where General Stewart was trying to retard the progress of his opponent. He detached the right wing of the 71st, and part of the 50th, to a position in rear, and at the head of the left wings of the 71st and 92nd awaited the enemy. During this interval Pipe-major Cameron, thinking a little music would be grateful to his comrades, set his drones in order, and made the hills re-echo the"Pibroch of Dhonuil Dhu." The effect was electrical. The weary Highlanders were on their legs in an instant anxiously looking to their wounded General (Stewart), who was a few paces in rear, for the order to advance. He at once ordered the piper to stop, and warned them of the fatal consequences that might follow a forward movement at that particular moment. Meanwhile the French below were increasing in numbers, and in ten minutes the piper, probably impatient of the general's tactics, tuned up again, and again his comrades jumped up eager for action. The angry General peremptorily ordered him not to play without orders, on peril of his life. He obeyed, but was heard muttering, with a sublime confidence in the power of his own music, "Mur leig e leom a phiob a chluich cha'n eil Frangeach 's an duthaich nach bi nuas oirn " (If he'll not let me play, every man in the land of France will be here).[8]

The French, after a little skirmishing, brought forward a mass of infantry to overpower all opposition, and Stewart, after a few rounds, withdrew the advanced wings, and marching them through the intervals of the 50th and 71st right wing, placed them in position 200 yards in their rear. The enemy followed, and were warmly received by the 50th and 71st, who then retreated through the intervals of the 71st and 92nd left wings, and thus relieving each other with the utmost regularity, and disputing every inch of ground, they fell back fully a mile, when, being reinforced by the 82nd, they halted in a new position, from which they had the mortification of seeing their camp plundered by the enemy; the batmen and mules which had been out in the morning had been unable to remove all the baggage, and some of them had been taken. An officer mentions how his faithful servant, Hugh [297, July 1813] Johnstone, had saved his most valuable articles and money by emptying his knapsack of his own kit, and filling it with his master's valuables.

At the beginning of the action Colonel Cameron detached Captain Campbell of the 92nd with 150 men to the summit of the rock of Maya, which was the key of the position. From this post its garrison rendered considerable assistance, for the face of the hill was covered with whinstone rocks, which Campbell and his men hurled down on the pursuers, frequently with great effect. But neither bullets, bayonets, nor boulders could check the advance of the enemy, who had separated the two brigades (the Second having retired across the valley of the Bastan).

Fresh troops were advancing from Urdax. Our troops were from 2000 to 2500 men, their opponents 8000 to 9000 ; and about 7 p.m. General Stewart, in order to stop further bloodshed, proposed to retire, and sent an order to the troops on the rock to abandon it; but, before the bearer of the message could deliver it, the cheers of the troops at the base of the hill reached the summit. These were occasioned by the arrival of General Barnes with the 6th Regiment and some Brunswick infantry. A more seasonable reinforcement was never received. The tired soldiers were resting when it arrived, but rose to cheer—"Our lads were perfectly frantic with joy."  General Stewart, having regard to the extraordinary loss and fatigue sustained by them, desired that the 92nd should not join in the charge of Barnes' troops. But this time the pipe-major was not to be denied.  He struck up the charging tune of “The Haughs of Cromdale,”[9] his comrades, seized with what tin the Highlands is called “mire chath”—the frenzy of battle—without either asking or obtaining permission, not only charged, but led the charge, and rushed down on the enemy with irresistible force, driving back their opponents in the most splendid style. The power of the national music over the minds of Scottish soldiers was never more conspicuous.

D'Erlon, taking it for granted that such temerity must be backed by stronger reinforcements than appeared, retired about a mile, and General Stewart made such dispositions as would convey the impression that he intended to renew the combat in the morning.

Intelligence was, however, received that Generals Cole, Picton, and Byng had been compelled by the overwhelming forces of Soult [298, July 1813] to yield their positions, by which the right of the army was turned. This rendered the recovery of the Col de Maya useless, and Hill, withdrawing the troops during the night, posted them on the heights in rear of Irueta, fifteen miles from the scene of action. It now became necessary for Wellington to concentrate part of his army in front of Pampeluna, to prevent the relief of that fortress. Such was the disastrous conflict of Maya, in which 2600 British troops not only retained the key of their position for nine hours, despite the utmost efforts of about 11,000 of Bonaparte's best infantry, but, on receiving a reinforcement of only 1000 men, actually recaptured about a mile of ground which the enemy had acquired earlier in the day. It was certainly one of the most brilliant achievements of the whole Peninsular War.

The following anecdote shows the impression made by the conduct of the Gordon Highlanders on the commander of the French army corps engaged. An officer relates that a wounded British Colonel had to be left behind in the valley of Bastan. In passing through the village, the French General, Count d'Erlon, called on him, and after condoling with him said, "Pray, Colonel, how many sans-culottes[10] have you in your division?"  "One battalion," answered the Colonel. "One regiment of several battalions I presume you mean, Colonel," retorted d'Erlon. "No, General, only one battalion, I assure you," replied Colonel H——. The Count, with a smile of incredulity, then said, "Come now, Colonel, don't quiz me; do tell me candidly how many Highlanders you had in action on the right of your position on the 25th?"  Colonel H—— then said earnestly, "I give you my word of honour, General, there was only half a battalion, not exceeding 400 men."  D'Erlon fixed his eyes on Colonel H——, and after a pause said with emotion, "Then, Colonel, they were more than men, for before that body of troops I lost one thousand killed and wounded."

In commemoration of the noble and devoted conduct of his regiment, Lieutenant-Colonel Cameron was permitted by His Majesty to bear the word "Maya" on the shield of his coat of arms. Napier, in his account of the battle, says, "Never did soldiers fight better, seldom so well."  "The stern valour of the Ninety-second would have graced Thermopylae."[11]

[299, July 1813] Many officers and men of the battalion were absent on July 25th on command, sick, prisoners of war, so that there were present and fit for duty on that day:—Field-officers, 3; captains, 7 ; subalterns, 20; staff, 6; sergeants, 40; drummers, 15; rank and file, 762—Total of all ranks, 853. Of whom Ensign Ewen Kenedy was killed in action, and Captain S. Bevan and Lieutenant Alexander MacDonald died of their wounds. The other officers wounded were-Lieutenant-Colonel John Cameron,[12] Majors Jas. Mitchell and John MacPherson, Captains G. W. Holmes and Ronald MacDonald, Lieutenants William Fyfe, Donald MacPherson, John A. Durie, James John Chisholm, Robert Winchester, Donald M'Donald, James Ker Ross, George Gordon, John Grant; Ensigns Thomas Mitchell and George Mitchell.

It was evidently difficult to make an exact return of the killed in action, as the dead had to be left to be buried by the French, and several corrections seem to have been made. Altogether I find the names of sixty-seven n.c. officers and men killed. In many cases the rank is torn off the original return, and these I have entered as privates.

Names of n.c. officers and soldiers killed in action, 25th [300, July 1813] July 1813; taken from non-effective return of 25th August:—

 

Sergeant   William Cattanach.
      "           James Moore.
      "           Alex. Gordon.

Corporal  John Mackenzie.
      "           William Raymond.

Private     William Allison.
      "           Jas. Allardyce.
      "           Jas. Archer.
      "           Jas. Burnet.
      "           John Campbell.
      "           John Campbell.
      "           Jas. Campbell.
      "           John Cameron.
      "           Robt. Copland.
      "           Donald Currie.
      "           Willm. Cunningham.
      "           Hugh Cunningham.
      "           John Coutts.
      "           Alex. Davidson.
      "           Roderick Dunbar.
      "           Andrew Dunlop.
      "           Willm. Dorrit.
      "           Alex. Elder.
      "           Angus Fraser.
      "           Charles Fraser.
      "           John Gordon, 1st.
      "           George Gordon.
      "           George Gould.
      "           Donald Gunn.
      "           Jas. Glyn.
      "           Robert Hardie.
      "           Alexr. Kermack.
      “          Jas. Leishman.
      “          John M’Kay, 1st

Private     Alexr. M'Kay, 4th Co.
      "           Alexr. M'Kay, 7th Co.
      "           Alexr. Mackenzie.
      "           Lewis Mackenzie.
      "           Donald Mackenzie.
      "           Jas. Mackenzie.
      "           Donald M'Innes.
      "           John M'Rae.
      "           Dougald Macdougald.
      "           Ewen Macpherson.
      "           Alex. Macpherson.
      "           John Macintyre.
      "           Wm. M'Donald, 1st.
      "           Wm. M'Donald, 4th.
      "           Neil M'Aulay.
      "           Peter M'Millan.
      "           Willm. Mathieson.
      "           Peter Matthew.
      "           Alexr. Morrison.
      "           John Petrie.
      "           John Primrose.
      "           Arthur Reid.
      "           Donald Ross, 2nd.
      "           Willm. Ross.
      "           David Rennie.
      "           Norman Stewart.
      "           Jas. Smith.
      "           George Thomson.
      "           Matthew Trolley.
      "           John Williamson.
      "           Jas. Watson
      "           Jas. Wright.
      "           Jas. Wilson

 

Of whom fourteen are given as "supposed killed on July 25th."

In the morning state of July 26th, 1813, are entered as "sent wounded to the rear"—Field officers, 2; captains, 1; subalterns, 9; staff, 0; sergeants, 5; rank and file, 261. It appears that Major MacPherson and three other wounded officers and several men were able to remain with the battalion. The others went to Vittoria, Bilbao, and Santander, and this journey of several days by ox-carts must have been a trying one. The names are given in the return of twenty men as taken prisoners [301, July 1813] between the 25th and 27th, so that the battalion lost in killed, wounded, and missing about 367 officers and men.[13]

Among the veterans who died at Maya was Private Norman Stewart, the best shot in the battalion, with which he had served in all its many fights. He was a favourite both with his officers and fellow soldiers, a great character, and, as one of his old comrades said, "had not as much English as would put the pot on the fire." When an officer complimented him on his soldier-like behaviour in his first engagement, implying, however, that he had hardly expected it, Norman replied, "Cha'n'eil fhios de'n claidheamh a bhios 's an truaill gus an tairnear e" (It is not known what sword is in the scabbard till it is drawn). He did not like his first musket, because it kicked, and because it was a “widow," for its former owner had died; but when he got a new one he called it his "wife," and woe betide the French skirmisher who came within reach of her kiss![14]

Though Lieutenant Fyfe was wounded, his life was saved by the bullet striking his watch, which, however, he carried till he died at a good old age, near Fochabers.

An instance is recorded by an officer commanding a company, of the good feeling which has always prevailed between officers and men of the Gordon Highlanders. Fatigued in body by their tremendous exertions on the 25th, followed by a long night march, and distressed in mind by the loss of their comrades, they halted on a hillside near Irueta. All were without shelter, but in the course of the day his company erected a beautiful hut, and on their inviting him to enter, he found a neatly-made table groaning under a load of soup, beefsteaks, young potatoes, and a bottle of brandy. He was naturally much gratified by such a mark of attention at such a time, "showing the dispositions of the men I had the honour to command."

 

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[1] Soult had left Spain some months before Vittoria.

[2] Napier.

[3] On the first alarm the soldiers packed their knapsacks and accoutred, ready for orders.—Sergeant Robertson.  “General Stewart was surprised; his troops were not.”—Napier.

[4] It was as much by their own dead as by those of the 92nd that the French were stopped, as appears from the account of a 92nd officer.  (See page 295.)

[5] “The force of the enemy in our front yesterday is generally estimated at 14,000 men.” “I am sorry to say we were so pressed on the height that it was impossible to bring away the four guns which were there; they were spiked and thrown over the cliff.”—Sir Rowland Hill to the Quartermaster-General, dated 26th July 1813.

[6] Sergeant Cattanach belonged to Kingussie.

[7] “Military Memoirs.”

[8] Told by Private John Downie and by an officer.

[9] This tune is older than the battle of Cromdale (1689); the old words have more to do with weddings than warfare— Tha banais aig na Graintaich uile, Air mullach Beinn a’ Chromdail.  “There’s a wedding for the Grants On the heights of Cromdale,” Rev.  W.  Forsyth, Abernethy.

[10] “Men without breeches,” the name used by the French for the Highlanders.

[11] In his first edition, published 1840 Napier added after the word “Ninety-second” the words “principally composed of Irishmen.”  This statement gave great offence to the regiment, not because they in any way disliked or undervalued Irishmen, but because the statement was inconsistent with fact and with their nationality.  Colonel J.  M’Donald, then commanding the 92nd, wrote to the author drawing his attention to the error in his History, “which you yourself will be anxious to rectify in any further editions of that valuable work.  I do not deem any apology necessary for requesting that you will have the goodness to admit this mistake.  Should you, however, be under the impression that the 92nd was not principally composed of Scotchmen, I shall be happy to furnish you with ample proof”; which he afterwards did, and the objectionable paragraph was left out in later editions; and in “Battles of the Peninsula,” note, page 300, Napier writes, “In my original work, misled by false information, I said the soldiers of the 92nd were all Irish, but their Colonel (M’Donald) afterwards gave me irrefragable proof by a list of names that they were Scotchmen.”

 

The Monthly Return, dated Heights of Maya, 25th July 1813, gives the nationality of the n.c.  officers and rank and file of the First Battalion as under:

 

Sergeants.

Drummers.

Corporal.

Privates.

Total.

Per Cent.

English

         0

          3

          0

         33

         36

3.49

Scotch

       58

         13

         44

       810

       925

90

Irish

         0

          1

          3

         64

         68

6.6

 

       58

         17

         47

       907

     1029

 

 

It has been often said that Highland regiments were composed of Irishmen, and generally with as little reason as on this occasion.  As an instance, I remember when serving with the Gordon Highlanders in I855, an old gentleman told me he had, when a boy, been visiting where the 92nd were quartered in Essex in 1805; that he particularly remembered the tall men of the Grenadier Company, adding, “They were mostly Irishmen, for I used to hear them talking in the Irish language.” I find the nationality of the n.c.  officers and men of the Grenadier Company, First Battalion 92nd Regiment (Gordon Highlanders), on January 1st, 1805, was:—English, 7; Scottish, 87; Irish, 3—Total, 97; and of the Scots, the great majority were from the northern counties, and many would naturally speak Scots Gaelic, which is sufficiently like Irish Gaelic to account for the mistake.  A list of the officers of both battalions of the regiment in 1813 is given in Appendix VIII.  It shows nearly all Scots, most of them Highlanders, and nearly half from Inverness-shire.

[12] Colonel Cameron was wounded in two places and his horse was killed under him.

[13] Cannon’s “Historical Record” gives Ensign E.  Kenedy killed, Lieutenant A.  MacDonald (died), and 17 officers wounded; but Captain Bevan is mentioned in the original return as died of wounds, 21st August.  The other casualties given by Cannon are—34 rank and file killed, 268 wounded, and 22 missing.  Ensign Ewen Kenedy had lately been promoted from quartermaster-sergeant.  He belonged to Moy, in Lochaber, and was the support of a widowed mother, to whom he left considerable savings.  Lieutenant Alexander MacDonald was a son of Dalchosnie.  Most of the killed had sums of from £2 to £12, besides prize-money, at their credit, and the address of their heir is generally given.

[14] See page 255.

 

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