[222, Oct 1811]

Chapter XV

ARLY on the 27th October, Hill, hoping to intercept the enemy’s march, though without being certain of its exact direction, pursued by a cross road through Aldea del Cano and Casa del Antonio, when he received intelligence that Gerard, ignorant of the movements of the British general, whose pursuit he expected on the main road by Caceres, had posted a rear guard at Atbala, and halted at Arroyo dos Molinos in fancied security.  Hill at once made a forced march to Alcuesca, three miles from Arroyo dos Molinos, which he reached in the evening.  The two armies, in fact, had been marching on parallel lines not far apart, but each concealed by hills and woods from the sight of the other.

On crossing an extensive plain near Aldea del Campo, the mounted officers started a hare.  Several greyhounds were kept by the regiment, and after a successful course puss was killed.  Finding that the whole battalion enjoyed the fun, and hares being plentiful, the officers continued the sport, which so wonderfully beguiled the time, that many of the men thought they had not marched above half the distance they had really come.

The 71st occupied the village of Alcuesca, al1d placed pickets all round to prevent any intelligence being carried to the French; but the people felt the British to be their friends, and though every Spaniard in the neighbourhood knew they were at hand, not one betrayed the fact.  The 92nd with the other troops bivouacked in rear of the village—rain and wind continued through the night, and no fires were allowed to be lighted, but the troops without a murmur, though wet to the skin, made the best of their discomfort, keeping their muskets as dry as they could, and bore their plight like men and soldiers.

At two o’clock on the morning of the 28th, the orderly sergeants went round their companies, and in whispers bade them prepare for action, the utmost silence being necessary to ensure success.  Though the distance was short, the broken state of the roads, the inclemency of the weather, and the darkness of the morning made progress slow and caused great loss of time; but at last the sight of the enemies fires delighted the troops by showing that this time the birds had not flown.  The whole moved in one column till they arrived within half a mile of Arroyo, where, under cover of a rising ground, they “ere formed into columns of attack unseen by the enemy, Gerard, with culpable negligence, having no pickets out on that side.

The left column, commanded by Lieut.-Colonel Stewart of the 50th Regiment, was composed of Howard’s Brigade, viz.  the 1st Battalions of the 50th, 71st, and 92nd, Captain Blassier’s company 5th Battalion 60th Rifles, and three field pieces, supported by [223, Oct 1811] Morillo’s Spanish infantry.  The right column consisted of Colonel Wilson’s, the Third Brigade, viz.  the 1st Battalion 28th, the 2nd Battalions 34th and 39th Regiments, one company 60th, and the 6th Portuguese Caçadores, with two field pieces and a howitzer.  The cavalry, 9th and 13th Light Dragoons, the 2nd Hussars of the King’s German Legion, and the Conde-de-Penne Villamur’s Spanish Horse, formed a third column under Sir William Erskine, and was in the centre.[1]  Major-General Howard commanded the whole infantry.  The formation being quickly and quietly completed, the 71st and 92nd and the company of the 60th moved in profound silence directly on the village at quarter distance, the 50th in close column and the artillery being a little in rear as a reserve.  The right column, having the 39th as a reserve, moved across the plain to the right of the town, so as to cut off the retreat of the enemy by the roads leading to Truxillo, Merida or Medellin.  The cavalry moved between the other two, ready to act wherever its services might be required.

At this moment the storm was succeeded by a calm, the dense fog cleared away about half-past six, just as the left column was entering the town.  The 71st went to the left through some olive groves, where they surprised and took a body of cavalry in the act of bridling their horses.  The 92nd silently entered the main street leading to the market square, where the French were forming for the march, while some battalions were filing out of the village, one brigade having already marched; then the pipers, entering into the humour of the situation, struck up the appropriate air of “ Hey, Johnnie Cope, are ye waukin’ yet? “ and the music of the bagpipes and the cheers of the charging Highlanders were the first intimations of their presence.  Colonel Cameron, in a letter to General Hope, says—”They (the French) were quietly getting under arms for the purpose of proceeding to Merida, and had the attack taken place two hours earlier as intended, I think every man of them would have been taken in bed.”

The French troops, cavalry and infantry, who were formed threw themselves across the street, disputing the passage, and firing on the leading sections of the Highlanders, who dashed forward, and amidst the greatest uproar and confusion drove out of the village those they did not bayonet or capture.  The 50th in rear were not idle, and secured the prisoners.

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Gerard, who was a brave officer, made the best disposition in his power; he formed the infantry in two large squares just outside the village, where the roads branch off to Merida and Medellin, with the cavalry on the left flank of one of them.  The 71st extended, lining the walls of the village gardens and vineyards, and [224, Oct 1811] peppered their antagonists in good style, having skirmishers opposed to them, who returned their fire most briskly.  On getting to the end of the village, Colonel Cameron found a considerable opening between the vineyards, which admitted about one-half of the battalion in column.  The fire of the French riflemen annoyed the head of the column considerably, nor could they advance without being exposed to the fire of the 71st.  The men were ordered not to fire, which, says an officer, “was extremely galling to the soldiers, who saw their officers and comrades falling around them, but knowing that the success of an enterprise often depends on the manner in which such orders are attended to, the Highlanders, with a patience not very peculiar to their countrymen, waited the arrival of the decisive moment.”

Quoting again from Colonel Cameron’s letter to General Hope—”However, we got the 71st to cease firing, and to allow us to advance.  As each company had cleared the opening, I caused them to deploy to the right into line with the utmost rapidity, as we were then in the presence of the French square of five battalions, which I proposed charging the moment my line was formed.  Three companies were scarcely in line when the French square moved off, throwing out a cloud of skirmishers to impede our advance.  By this time the other British brigade, composed of the 28th, 34th, and 39th, the British cavalry and Portuguese artillery having got round the town, were coming up upon their left flank, and the whole followed in pursuit.  Your regiment” (General Hope was colonel of the 92nd) “conducted themselves much to my satisfaction during the whole time, and under the trying circumstances of not one firelock in ten giving fire when attempted to be used.” After mentioning that he had been wounded in the hand while preparing to charge, and had his finger amputated” after the business was over”—”poor Captain Donald MacDonald is most dangerously wounded, having his left leg broke, and wounded under the right knee.  Captain John Macpherson severely through the left wrist, but in no danger; Major Dunbar is also “wounded; we had three men killed and seven wounded, The Light Company was not in action, being in occupation of a village some little distance in rear under Lieut.-Colonel M’Donnell.  I am not aware what people in Britain will think of this business, but this corps of the army fancy that having obtained such results with so small a loss renders it unique of its kind, particularly on comparison with the fatal and miserable battle of Albuera.”

Another officer describes how, as the Highlanders were forming for the charge, the French troops showed something like a wavering in their squares, and, declining the honour intended for them, wheeled to the right about and retired towards the steep hill in [225, Oct 1811] their rear.  He mentions that there were several wonderful escapes, and that Colonel Cameron’s life was saved by the hilt of his sword.[2]  The captain of the Grenadier Company having been wounded, the senior lieutenant, on assuming command of it, made a false movement in deploying, which the Colonel perceiving, he repeated his order in a voice of thunder, and, as was his custom when displeased, he struck his left breast with his right hand, which grasped his sword.  The last word of his orders had just been spoken, and his hand had hardly touched his breast, when a rifle bullet shattered the middle finger, passed through the handle of the sword, and struck the breast so violently that, thinking he was shot through the body, he relinquished the command to Major Mitchell; but, recovering directly from the faintness, again took his place with his hand streaming with blood and the finger dangling by the skin, and remained at the head of his Highlanders to the close of the action.

The guns, having been brought up, made havoc in the French ranks as the 92nd and 71st re-formed and advanced; our dragoons and hussars charged and dispersed their cavalry with great loss, but Gerard, wounded though he was, kept his infantry together and continued his retreat along the Truxillo road.  The right column of the British was, however, already there, the artillery and cavalry were close on the French flank, the victorious Highlanders were coming fast behind him, his men were falling by fifties.  Gerard’s position was desperate, yet he would not surrender; but, giving the word to disperse, endeavoured to escape by scaling the almost inaccessible rocks which overhung the road.  The 39th and Portuguese turned the mountain by the Truxillo road, while the 28th and 34th Regiments, led by General Howard, followed the enemy, scrambling up the rocks and taking prisoners at every step.  An officer of the right column says—”Our share of the business among the rocks was a scene of laughter and diversion rather than of bloodshed and peril, for though some of the enemy’s Grenadiers discharged their muskets at us before they broke them, the danger was too inconsiderable to be thought of.”

The 34th had here an amusing experience of French character.  They were leading up the mountain, and got mixed up with the French regiment of the same number, whose officers, as they tendered their swords on being made prisoners, embraced the officers of the British 34th, saying—”Ah, messieurs, nous sommes des freres, nous sommes du trente-quatrieme regiment tous les deux.”  “Vous etes des braves.”  “Les Anglais se battent toujours avec [226, Oct 1811] loyaute et traitent bien leurs prisonniers.” “Ah, messieurs, la fortune de la guerre est bien capricieuse.”[3]

The 92nd and other British regiments desisted from the pursuit only because they, with knapsacks and arms, could not overtake the 600 Frenchmen who alone escaped with Gerard by throwing away their arms and accoutrements.  Gerard’s troops were said to be the finest then in Spain, and selected for his expedition, and, as Napier remarks, their resolution not to surrender in such an appalling situation was no mean proof of their excellence.

No enterprise during the war was better planned or executed, and Hill’s Division rejoiced in the triumph of their general, which, to one of his humane disposition, was the more grateful that such solid success was gained with little loss to his troops.  General Gerard’s Corps was almost totally destroyed or dispersed, and the trophies of the action were 1300 prisoners, including the cavalry General Le Brun, Colonel the Prince d’ Aremberg,[4] who was a connection of Napoleon, Lieut.-Colonel Voirol and another lieut.-colonel, Gerard’s aide-de-camp, one commissary and thirty captains and subalterns.  All the artillery, waggons, baggage, ammunition, and numbers of horses and mules were also taken; in the baggage was the military chest with a large sum of money, and another chest with all the paraphernalia of the Order of Masonry.

The loss of the 92nd on this occasion was four officers and seven rank and file wounded, and three rank and file killed, viz.  Privates John Denoon, William MacDonald, and — Campbell, a large proportion of the total loss of the British and Portuguese troops, which amounted to only seven men killed, and sixty-four officers and men wounded, and Sir W.  Erskine’s aide-de-camp taken prisoner.

The account of the action given above is exactly in accordance with General Hill’s dispatch dated at Merida, October 30th, 1811. [227, Oct 1811]  It is therefore remarkable that the 34th Regiment (which was in the right column, and whose active duties, admirably performed as they were, chanced to be required only in making prisoners of the troops already defeated by the left column) is the only one which bears Arroyo dos Molinos on its colours, an honour which was granted to them after the death of General Hill about 1840, in lieu of a distinction in dress of which they had been deprived, but which had no relation to this battle.  The 92nd, without in any way questioning the good service done by the 34th, felt very strongly that the facts as reported in dispatches show that the 34th had not the same opportunity of distinguishing themselves on this occasion as fell to the lot of the 92nd (with the cavalry and 71st), and that to single out a regiment for so conspicuous an honour has the effect of making it appear to the army at large that the conduct of other corps engaged had been less distinguished, and this impression is naturally strengthened as time goes on and the circumstances are forgotten.  It seems, therefore, very desirable that the subject should be again brought forward by the colonels of corps concerned, when no doubt the slight inconsiderately cast on other troops who were at least equally engaged will be removed by granting them the same honour.[5]

The French seem, under all circumstances, to find some method of softening their fate, and are very ready in framing excuses for any disaster which may befall them.  The officer of the Third Brigade, above alluded to, mentions that being on duty over some of the prisoners a few days after the battle, at the close of a day’s march, a chapel was allotted to them for the night; and to see them taking possession of it, he would have thought they were still marching free and in arms, singing, “Grenadiers ici, Grenadiers ici; Voltigeurs là là, Voltigeurs là là”; the grenadiers running to the altar, the voltigeurs to the gallery.  In ten minutes they were all at home—some playing cards, some singing, some dancing; now a man performing Punch behind a greatcoat with infinite drollery.  Quieter men were occupied in repairing their clothes and shoes; while in another part of the church, a self-elected orator was addressing a group on their late capture.  “Gentlemen,” said he (in French, of course), “you are not dishonoured.  We have been betrayed.  That spy—that Spaniard—sold us.”  “How?” said a rough voice.  “Who told you that?”  “ Sir,” replied the orator, “you will permit me to know.  I am a Parisian, and I understand war.”  This speech was highly applauded.  “Yes; he is right.  We have been sold by this villain of a spy .  We should have beaten the British in a stand-up fight.”  “Why, certainly,” said the little Parisian.  Just then [228, Oct 1811] the rations appeared, and all rushed to the door singing a chorus about” Bonne soupe, bonne soupe”; but some of the sergeants and older soldiers, decorated for service, were very sulky, and vented their anger in a sort of muttering, smothered swearing.  They were all very fine soldierlike men.

The Gordons, when they discontinued the pursuit and the prisoners were collected, bivouacked, with the First Brigade and cavalry, in a wood at St Pedro, about six miles from Arroyo, where double allowance of soft bread and spirits was served out to them with their rations.  They had not been long in camp when they became spectators of a most interesting scene.  A party of twenty-three French dragoons was observed moving fast across the plain towards Medellin; immediately, a picket of seventeen British dragoons dashed down to intercept them; both parties were in view all the time the mêlée lasted, which was but a few minutes, when the enemy agreed to accompany our dragoons into camp, where they were received with three hearty cheers.

At three o’clock on the morning of the 29th they quitted St Pedro, and after a long march entered Merida, wet, weary, and hungry.  The 30th was a rest-day; and all the horses, mules, and asses captured on the 28th were sold by auction in the market-place, and the produce, together with the money found in Gerard’s military chest, was afterwards divided among the troops actually engaged that day.

Report by Lieut.-Colonel Stewart, 50th Foot, commanding left column of attack at Arroyo dos Molinos, addressed to Lieut.-Colonel Brooke, assistant-adjutant-general, dated Merida, 29th October 1811:

SIR,—In conformity to the orders I received, the village of Arroya de Moulina was attacked at half-past six o’clock yesterday morning by the 71st and 92nd Highlanders—the 50th Regiment being held in reserve.  We were opposed by French cavalry and infantry; but our troops, behaving in their usual style of bravery and discipline, and using the bayonet only, soon cleared the town of the enemy.  I distinctly saw the real gallantry, and in my humble opinion, the good military conduct of Lieut.-Colonels the Hon.  H.  Cadogan and J.  Cameron, at the head of their respective corps.  The latter officer was wounded early, but did not for a moment quit the command of his regiment until the affair was entirely concluded.  The 71st have taken, and are in possession of, a flag which seems to be a colour of the 40th French Regiment of the Line. 

(Signed) CHARLES STEWART,
Lieut.-Colonel 50th Regiment.

 

On the 31st they commenced their return journey, halting at Montejo; on November 1st they had a tramp of twenty-one miles to Campo Mayor.  On the way they crossed a stream swollen by [229, Nov 1811] the late rains, which took the men up to the waist; then halted at midday to refresh, dancing themselves dry before rousing fires, which, with a bright sun and a stiff glass of grog, banished all traces of their ducking.  In high spirits they started again, but only to find, within half a mile, another river, broader, deeper, and more rapid than the first, where they got a worse wetting than before.  It may be imagined that the choice of such an unfortunate halting-place brought on the quartermaster-general’s department a torrent of objurgations as deep and broad as the river that caused it.  At Campo Mayor they halted a day; and on the 3rd moved to the old fortress of Arroncho, and next day, about noon, they re-entered their old quarters at Portalegre after twelve days’ absence, and terminated their memorable trip into Spain amid the acclamations of the multitude.  The bells were rung, the city was illuminated at night in their honour, and the inhabitants welcomed the soldiers with every demonstration of gratitude, admiration, and hospitality.

On the 7th of November, Lieut.-General Hill issued the following General Order at Portalegre:—

“Lieut.-General Hill has great satisfaction in congratulating the troops on the success which has attended their recent operations in Estremadura, and in doing so, he cannot but endeavour to do justice to the merits of those through whose exertions it has been obtained.  A patient and willing endurance of forced and night marches during the worst of weather and over bad roads, of bivouacs in bad weather, often time without cover and without fire, and a strict observance of discipline, are qualities, however common in British soldiers, which the lieut.-general cannot pass unnoticed.  Having on this occasion witnessed the exertion of them in no ordinary degree, he feels that nothing but the most zealous attention of commanding officers, the goodwill and zealous spirit of the n.c.  officers and soldiers, could produce such an effect; and he requests that they will generally and individually accept his warmest thanks, particularly those corps which were engaged in the action of Arroyo del Molinos, whose silent attention to orders, when preparing to attack and when manoeuvring before the enemy, could not but excite his notice and give them an additional claim on him.”

Letters from the Secretary of State, dated December 2nd, and from H.R.H.  the Commander-in-Chief, dated December 6th, were promulgated, expressive of H.R.H.  the Prince Regent’s approbation and thanks to Lieut.-General Hill and the troops under his command.

In November the officers and n.c.  officers belonging to the 2nd Battalion, who had come out with the last draft and had been doing duty with the 1st, were sent home to rejoin their battalion, except the medical officer.  The 1st Battalion remained quietly at [230, Nov 1811] Portalegre, where they were on quite friendly terms with the people, till Christmas.  That festive day was spent as usual, and the officers at mess had just picked the bones of the Christmas goose, the glasses were set, and a Merry Christmas to those at home was being drunk, when an orderly entered.  The battalion was to be at the alarm post next morning before daybreak![6] and having bid adieu to their fair friends of Portalegre, on the evening of the 26th the First Brigade occupied Codeceira.  Next day they were at Albuquerque, and on the 28th quitted that city en route for Merida, which had been taken possession of by the French under General Dombrousky.  The troops bivouacked near the village of La Rocha under a hill, so that their fires might not be seen, the object being, if possible, to repeat at Merida the surprise of Arroyo.

At daybreak they started under cover of a dense fog.  The cavalry, under General Long, preceded the infantry at a considerable distance, and about half-way to Merida they came bump upon one of the enemy’s vedettes, belonging to a foraging party of 300 infantry and 150 hussars.  Before he was made prisoner, the vedette warned his invisible friends by discharging his carbine, and on the fog rising the French were seen in square; they received the charge of our cavalry with admirable firmness, and beat them off with loss; then retiring in square, intrepidly sustaining charge after charge and taking every advantage of the inequality of the ground; and, notwithstanding the fire of two pieces of artillery, by which he lost forty men killed and wounded, Captain Neveux and his gallant little band traversed several miles, till, on their being reinforced from Merida, our dragoons gave up the pursuit.

General Hill in his dispatch expressed his admiration of the courage and prudence of the commander and of the coolness and bravery of the Frenchmen he commanded.  It furnished another example of how little a body of well-disciplined infantry, under an officer of courage and experience, has to fear from cavalry, even if very superior in numbers.

In the evening the whole corps closed up and bivouacked in front of La Nava, and next morning advanced to Merida, to find that the French had abandoned their unfinished works during the night, leaving behind them a quantity of bread and corn.  Here Hill rested his troops on the 31st.  Intending to fight Drouet, he marched from Merida on the 1st of January 1812, crossed the Guadiana and moved towards Almendralejo, where he expected to [Jan 1812] meet the enemy.  Their way led over a barren heath, then over a rich cultivated plain, till, having ascended about five miles, the Gordons halted and enjoyed a delightful view of the country, with the long columns of horse, foot and artillery winding below; then jogged along again as cheerily as the fatiguing nature of the march would allow, till, near Almendralejo, it was time to prepare for action.

At one o’clock a thick fog enveloped the surrounding objects, and prevented the general from seeing what the enemy were about, or what were their numbers.  The First Brigade (in which was the 92nd) was ordered to move towards the town in order of battle.  They had not proceeded far when the cavalry came into contact with the French pickets, which were instantly attacked and driven in; the rear brigades now moved up quickly on the left.  It appears that when the first collision took place, the French in the town were busy cooking their New Year’s Day dinners and thinking more of beef than of bullets, but part of them instantly moved in support of their pickets, the remainder retreating to a rising ground in rear of the town, where, after a few rounds from the British artillery, the others joined them, and the whole retired to a height at a considerable distance, skirmishing all the way with Hill’s Light Companies.  When the main column came up, expecting to be hotly received, and the fog lifted, they found the French general had withdrawn the main body of his troops to Zafra, leaving only a strong rear guard to cover his retreat.

During this little affair the Highlanders were much amused by the conduct of the Marquis of Almeida, an elderly Spanish nobleman, who, having suffered severely from French rapacity, was their bitter enemy.  Being a warm admirer of the British, he had attached himself to Hill’s suite, and in compliment to the general he laid aside his Spanish habit and donned a long scarlet coat and a cocked hat, with very long red and white feathers dangling to his shoulders; but his singular appearance soon ceased to attract notice, and he became rather a favourite with all ranks.  On this occasion he had no idea he was so close to his foes till bang, bang went the guns close in front of him.  Neither he nor his horse had bargained for taking so active a part in the redress of his grievances.  He stared, his horse reared, and on a third gun being fired, the old marquis, calling on “Jesu, Maria, Jose,” and casting a glance towards those around him, which plainly said, “I ‘m off!” put spurs to his willing nag and was lost to view in the fog.

When the mist cleared away the rain began falling in bucketfuls; night was approaching, and, there being no chance of bringing the enemy to close quarters, General Hill gave orders for strong [232, Jan 1812] pickets to be posted on all the roads round Almendralejo, and the rest of the troops to march into the town.  On taking possession of their quarters, many of them found the savoury stews still on the fires which the French had been preparing, an acceptable addition to their rations, which their Spanish hosts were delighted to accept their invitation to join in discussing, adding their country wine to the soldiers’ rum, and thus their New Year’s Day ended more agreeably than it began.

On the 3rd two detachments were sent to dislodge the enemy from Villafranca and Fuente del Maestro.  The one which moved against Villafranca consisted of the 9th and 13th Light Dragoons, two pieces of artillery, the 50th, 71st, and 92nd Regiments, and Captain Blassier’s Company of the 60th, under Major-General Howard.  The other, under the Hon.  Lieut.-Colonel Abercromby, was composed of the 2nd Hussars K.G.  Legion, 4th and 10th Portuguese Cavalry, and the 28th Regiment (British).  Both detachments started at noon.  On reaching a height about halfway to Villafranca, General Howard’s Brigade saw the enemy drawn up on a commanding position near the towm; Colonel Cameron, with the 92nd, the Rifle Company, and one gun, advanced against the French left flank, while the remainder, under General Howard, moved direct upon the enemy’s centre and right flank.  Everything looked like a tough tussle.  The enemy were prepared, and stood their ground until the British were getting near enough to prepare to charge, when, to their great disappointment, the French faced about and walked off towards Los Santos, pursued by the cavalry.  General Howard had no intention of letting the enemy pay him back in the coin of Arroyo dos Molinos; he placed strong pickets on every road leading to Villafranca, the rest being thrown into the town, with orders to remain accoutred so as to turn out at a moment’s warning, and to be on the alarm post two hours before day.  It was an awful night—rain, hail, and a hurricane of wind—so that the poor fellows on picket joined their battalions in the morning in a deplorable condition.[7]  Those who had been in quarters proceeded to the alarm post, where they were drenched in ten minutes, and after being exposed to the fury of the elements for four hours, the whole returned to Almendralejo.  Colonel Abercromby’s detachment had had a skirmish with a regiment of cavalry which crossed their path, of whom they killed and wounded twenty-one and took thirty-two prisoners.

On the 5th, General Hill retraced his steps to Merida, where the men arrived looking as if they had been six months in the field [233, Jan 1812] instead of ten days.  The marches had been often through adhesive clay, into which the soldiers sank; many tore their gaiters to pieces, and some actually left their shoes behind them and trudged along in their hose, which, with knapsacks and accoutrements to carry, made it pretty hard work.

Apropos of this very severe march, a 92nd officer tells the following story of an infantry private who, having on January 5th partaken too freely of the strong wine of Almendralejo, found himself very hard put to it to keep up with his column on the subsequent march.  He contrived to fall out unnoticed at a halt and remained behind when the march was resumed; then, composing himself to sleep, he enjoyed so long a nap that it was already night when he awoke.  He was quite recovered from his intoxication, but his fevered brain at first failed to comprehend how he came to be alone in the dark and in a seemingly deserted place; but as he gradually realised the situation, the thought flashed across him that he would be supposed to have deserted to the enemy.  He saw in fancy his name sent in to the adjutant-general—the court-martial assembled to try him—the sentence of death passed upon him! During the hours of darkness no satisfactory plan presented itself for getting back to the colours unnoticed, and he started at dawn to follow the troops, full of dread for the future.  Afraid to join by daylight, he made his way to a village three miles from headquarters, and on the opposite bank of the Guadiana.  Here he heard that two French stragglers were concealed, and a brilliant idea struck him—he would capture the pair and present them as a propitiatory offering to offended discipline.  No sooner said than done; the villagers helped him to secure the Frenchmen, and he marched them off in triumph, their hands tied behind their backs.  The officer who relates the incident met him at the bridge of Merida, and, seeing him thus escorting two prisoners from a district where no British soldiers were quartered, naturally asked for explanations, whereupon the soldier burst into tears, unable to utter a syllable, but at length poured forth the foregoing story.  It is added that, as he had hoped, it was considered a sufficient atonement for his escapade.

Sir Rowland Hill (General Hill had been made a Knight of the Bath), having received an order early on the morning of the 12th of January to retrace his steps to Portalegre, the 92nd marched from Merida the same day at 9 a.m.  and bivouacked behind La Nava.  Next night they reposed on the banks of a stream under the castle of Zagala; on the 14th they halted at Albuquerque, Alegrete on the 16th, and arrived at Portalegre on the 17th.  Next day the men replenished their kits, and on the 19th moved to Alpalhao on the way to assist in Lord Wellington’s operations.  At Niza, on the 21st, they heard of the fall of Ciudad Rodrigo, but as [234, Jan 1812] Marmont still showed a disposition to fight, the battalion advanced to the Tagus on the 25th, crossed that river by a bridge of boats at Villa Velha, and occupied several villages.  Next day they entered Castello Branco, where they had the pleasure of meeting the French garrison of Ciudad Rodrigo on their way to British transports.  They remained at Castello Branco till February 1st, when, as Marmont had withdrawn his army to Salamanca, they retraced their steps, arriving at Portalegre on the 4th.

Here they remained, occasionally finding officers’ escorts for prisoners of war, till the 3rd of March, when Sir Rowland Hill’s Division moved to cover the siege of Badajos, which Lord Wellington had now determined to undertake.  The battalion halted for some days in Albuquerque, and on the 16th, with the rest of Hills Corps, moved on Merida; they spent the night in bivouac.  On the 17th, finding that some French cavalry, supported by a battalion of infantry, occupied Merida, Sir Rowland sent his cavalry across the Guadiana by a ford below the bridge, to intercept the enemy and enable the infantry to get up.  On the first alarm the French cavalry fled, some by the bridge and some by a ford above it, giving notice of the danger to the infantry by discharging their carbines.

No time was to be lost, and the First Brigade, 50th, 71st, and 92nd moved to the town at the double, and, knowing the place well, they made straight for the bridge as fast as they could run.  Crossing it, they halted a minute to gain breath and then continued the pursuit, but failed to bring the enemy to action, and, fast as the British ran, the French ran faster, and at last, when our men were completely blown, they gave up the pursuit, having, however, taken a certain number of prisoners who could not keep up with their comrades.  The 92nd bivouacked on the far side of the river.

Sir Thomas Graham had crossed the Guadiana on the r 6th at the head of the right wing of the covering army, consisting of most of the cavalry and the First, Sixth, and Seventh Divisions, and was posted on the heights of Llerena.

Lord Wellington invested Badajos the same day, and broke ground before it on Patrick’s Day in the morning.  The left wing of the covering army was to be on the Guadiana at Don Benito.  At daybreak on the 18th, Hill’s Corps crossed the Guadiana, and after marching and countermarching to Almendralejo, etc.  etc., with the view to prevent the relief of Badajos, on the 28th the cavalry, a brigade of artillery, and the First Brigade of infantry advanced to Medellin and Don Benito.  En route the detachment was formed into two columns, of which the left, under Colonel Cameron, consisting of the 92nd and two field-pieces of artillery, moved against Medellin; the right, under Major-General Howard, [235, Jan 1812] composed of the cavalry, the 50th and 71st, the company of the 60th, and the remaining guns, against Don Benito.

Medellin was occupied without opposition, and General Howard was informed that the enemy had also retired from Don Benito; he, however, sent Captain Blassier with his riflemen to make sure.  The captain was a gallant soldier, but fond of good living, and was making his way through the streets thinking more of the good dinner he expected to find there than of an enemy, when, on turning a corner, to their mutual astonishment, he found himself close to a French cavalry patrol, who had entered the town unconscious that the British were so near.  First they gazed at each other, and then proceeded to settle the right of way by sabre cuts and rifle bullets; the latter had the best of it, and the dragoons wheeled to the right-about, leaving some wounded men in the hands of the German riflemen.

The 92nd were posted in an old castle on a hill near the town, from which they could see the memorable plain and hills about Arroyo dos Molinos, and hear the thunder of the guns at Badajos.  On the 31st the whole retreated to Quarena, and on the 2nd April they were back at Merida; on the 6th they had again crossed the Guadiana and bivouacked on an eminence at the village of Lobon, near Badajos, all these manœuvres being for the purpose of preventing Soult from relieving that fortress.

In the camp at Lobon, it was known that the assault was to take place that night, and with intense anxiety the troops there listened for the sounds of the terrific conflict; they feared their friends could never surmount the obstacles placed by the garrison to prevent their passage; but such was the bravery and determination of the stormers, that though beaten back, again and again they mounted the breaches, maintaining the murderous conflict, till the ditches were literally filled with dead and wounded piled above one another, and at daybreak on the 7th, the garrison surrendered, having inflicted on their conquerors a loss in killed and wounded of 3800 British and over 1000 Portuguese.[8]

Marshal Soult had arrived in the vicinity confident that Badajos could hold out, and he was advancing to give battle to Hill’s covering force, which was close in front of him, when on the 7th he heard of Wellington’s successful assault of the fortress, and after giving way to a violent fit of passion, at once retreated towards Seville, for he was not prepared to fight the united armies of Wellington and Hill.  He was pursued by 2000 British cavalry, who, after a brilliant encounter at Villa Garcia, defeated an equal force of French horse with a loss of 300 killed, wounded, and prisoners.  As an instance of the feeling of revenge which actuated [236, April 1812] the Spanish peasantry, a 92nd officer mentions that on the 6th, while walking near Lobon, he spoke to a man who was resting in the shade of a tree, and found that he had come from a village twenty miles distant, for the sale purpose of killing as many Frenchmen as he could after the battle, which was expected to take place at any moment between Hill’s force and Sault’s, and he showed the long knife with which he had assassinated eleven Frenchmen on the morning after Albuera.  The officers left him, after expressing their disgust at his cold-blooded project.

On the 10th April, Wellington, finding that Sault had finally retired into Andalusia, broke up his encampments and moved north to keep Marmont in order, while the 92nd, with part of Hill’s Corps, which now consisted of two divisions of infantry and three brigades of cavalry, marched to Almendralejo to look after their old opponent Drouet, the Count d’Erlon.  Here they were joined by a draft of thirty-nine men from the 2nd Battalion, described as “of good appearance,” and here they remained from the 13th April till the 11th May, utilising the time in repairing damage to clothing and appointments, in drill, and in making themselves agreeable to the fair residents.

Lieut.-General Chowne, who had lately assumed the command of the Second Division, inspected the battalion in heavy marching order—”The men will have on good hose with their rosettes”—on May 10th; and next morning at three o’clock they marched along with the First Brigade, forming part of a force of 6000 men under Sir Rowland Hill, including 400 cavalry, two brigades of field artillery, a battering train and pontoon equipage, for the purpose of breaking the chain of communications between Soult’s army of the south and that of Marmont in the north.  The bridges over the Tagus had been destroyed by one or other of the belligerents, and the only means of crossing possessed by the French was a bridge of boats laid by Marmont at Almarez, where, to secure it, he had constructed three strong forts-Fort Napoleon on the left bank of the Tagus, Fort Ragusa on the right bank, which contained many stores and provisions, and Fort Mirabete, about three miles from the river, commanding the only road from Truxillo practicable for artillery.  There was also a fortified bridge-head or tête-de-pont.

It was the surprise of Almaraz that Hill was now ordered to attempt.  On the 15th they reached Truxillo, in which town the women of the battalion were left with the baggage, only one mule per company being taken for the officers and one for the camp kettles.  As no fires would be allowed on the following night, the men cooked provisions for two days, and they were also to carry three days’ bread.  At midnight the warning pipe resounded through the streets, [237, April 1812] and at 1 a.m.  on the 16th April they moved off towards Almaraz.  By sunrise they halted in the shade of a forest which concealed them from view, where they rested during the day, except that those who were to be stormers were prepared for their part by running many times up the scaling ladders placed against an old stone bridge.  A young officer complaining of stiffness in his legs after this unwonted exercise, another answered, “Be thankful, old fellow, if your legs are not stiffer to-morrow!”

There being three points of attack, the troops were divided into as many columns.  The left column, composed of the 28th and 34th Regiments and the 6th Portuguese Caçadores, under Lieut.-General Chowne; the centre, under General Long, consisted of the 13th Light Dragoons, the 6th and 18th Portuguese Infantry; while General Howard led the right, viz.  the 50th, 71st, and 92nd, and a company of the 60th.  Each column was provided with scaling ladders.  Howard’s Brigade was destined to attack Fort Napoleon and the tête-de-pont.

The whole moved from their woodland bivouac about eight o’clock on the evening of the 16th, but marching at night over mountainous tracks, with cross paths and difficult passes intersecting them, made such operations extremely uncertain.  The right column lost its way, and at the hour intended for the assault it was still five miles from its destination.  Sir Rowland, who was with this right column, deemed it prudent, therefore, to halt on the ridge of Lina, and to order the other columns to withdraw from Mirabete.  It being found impossible to get the artillery forward except by the guarded pass of Mirabete, the 17th and part of the 1 8th having been spent in fruitless attempts to discover an opening through the hills practicable for the guns, Hill determined to leave them on the mountains with the centre column, to make a false attack upon the tower of Mirabete with General Chowne’s troops, while he himself with the right column secretly penetrated by a scarcely practicable sheep path, where in some places only one man could move along at a time; resolving with the infantry alone to storm works defended by eighteen guns and a powerful garrison!

About 10 p.m.  on the 18th, Howard’s Column, reinforced by a second company of the 60th, the 6th Portuguese and some artillerymen, and led by Sir Rowland Hill, descended the mountains, but though the distance was only about six miles, the difficulties were great.  Eight men at a time carried each scaling ladder, and when one lost his footing, down went the whole party on the steep hillside along which the path lay, causing constant delays, so that the sun was up before the rear had closed up and formed for the attack.  This second disappointment caused great depression [238, April 1812] of spirits among the troops, but on Sir Rowland Hill making it known that he would there and then lead them to the assault, the men resumed their usual gaiety.  The foregoing circumstances, having altered the situation, Sir Rowland altered his original plan and divided the detachment.  The 50th and a wing of the 71st were to attack Fort Napoleon, under General Howard; the 92nd and the other wing of the 71st were ordered to be ready to help them, or to attack the tête-de-pont and Fort Ragusa; while the 6th Portuguese and two 60th companies were held in reserve.

Formed behind a little height a hundred and fifty yards from the fort, the 50th, on a given signal, moved from their concealment between six and seven o’clock on the morning of the 19th April, and advanced to the attack aided by a wing of the 71st.  The French were not altogether unprepared, for they had heard that British troops were near, and Fort Napoleon had been reinforced during the night; but just then the garrison heard the guns of Mirabete answering General Chowne’s attack, and were crowding the ramparts gazing in that direction, when a British cheer made them quickly turn their eyes to see the gallant “Dirty half-hundred” bounding over the nearest rising ground.  At once they opened a heavy fire of artillery and musketry on the assailants in front, while the guns of Fort Ragusa took them in flank from the opposite side of the river; but a rising ground close to the ramparts soon covered the British, and General Howard, leading the foremost men into the ditch, commenced the escalade.  The scaling ladders had been cut in halves to get them round the short narrow turns in the precipitous descent of the mountains, but General Howard’s presence of mind, and the pluck of the soldiers, overcame the difficulty.  They first ascended to the berm, which was broad; then drawing up the ladders, planted them there, and thus by a second escalade, though many fell back into the ditch, they forced their way over the rampart, and after hard fighting, the 50th and their friends of the 71st established themselves in little more than ten minutes in Fort Napoleon.

Meanwhile the 92nd and the other wing of the 71st moved forward to attack the tête-de-pont, taking advantage of every little knoll which sheltered them from the fire of Fort Ragusa, till they got to a point opposite the left-flank face of Fort Napoleon, when they dashed forward to the tête-de-pont, entering it with the garrison of Fort Napoleon, who, their retreat being cut off, rushed to the bridge, but the guns from the forts (for the British artillerymen had turned the guns of Fort Napoleon on Ragusa) were now sharply cannonading each other, and stray shots had cut away some of the boats, making a gap in the bridge.  The fugitives had either to jump into the river and swim for it, by which many were drowned, [239, April 1812] or to surrender to the Highlanders, who were pressing them up to the edge of the chasm.

The passage of the river was now the difficulty.  It was solved by some Gordon Grenadiers, who immediately leaped into the deep swirling stream, swam to the other side under fire, and brought back boats, with which the bridge was secured; the enemy, seized with panic, then abandoned Fort Ragusa, and the success of the enterprise was complete.

The individual gallantry of Privates James Gauld and Walter Somerville, the two men of the Grenadier Company who first leaped into the river, was brought to the notice of Sir Rowland Hill, as having materially forwarded his object upon Fort Ragusa, and he ordered two doubloons (equal to £8) to be given to each of these soldiers on the field.  As a seven years’ man, Gauld was not entitled to a pension, but the then Duke of Richmond, having heard the above story, wrote to the 92nd Depot in 1853 for confirmation of it.  His Grace brought it to the notice of the War Office, and Gauld received a pension for the rest of his life.  He was a man of exceptional physique, and had distinguished himself on other occasions.  His family held the farm of Edinglassie, and were a branch of the famous fighting family known as the old Gaulds of Glass, in which parish James’ descendants still live.  What became of Walter Somerville is not recorded.

As soon as the enemy had fairly taken flight, permission was given to the men to help themselves to the good things stored in the fort and officers’ mess-room, and soon hams, bacon, pickled beef, and other delicacies decorated the bayonets or were stuffed in the haversacks of hundreds of soldiers, and none were without a bottle of wine or brandy to wash down the good cheer, in the bivouac to which they were ordered in the neighbourhood.  The satisfaction of the Gordons in talking over the stirring events of the morning round their camp fires was not on this occasion marred by regrets for the death of any of their comrades; they had only two wounded, though the loss of the Allies amounted to 2 officers and 31 n.c.  officers and soldiers killed, and 13 officers and 131 n.c.  officers and soldiers wounded.  The total loss of the enemy was about 450, 259 of whom were taken prisoners, including 16 officers and Major Aubat, the Commandant of Fort Napoleon, who, on finding further resistance useless, had surrendered and been allowed to keep his sword.  An officer of the storming party rushed in, and, being ignorant of the terms on which the commandant retained his sword, and also of the French language in which he tried to explain, made a lunge at him.  A mortal wound was the result of this rash and excited act, which caused great commiseration for the unfortunate Frenchman, to whom every attention was [240, April 1812] paid, but he died in ten days, and was buried in the great church of Merida with military honours, the whole of the British officers attending the ceremony.

After removing the wounded, the forts, bridge, and the cannon (eighteen guns were taken) and stores which could not be carried off were destroyed.  The position was of the greatest importance to the French, and Wellington, in a letter dated Fuente Guinaldo, 28th May 1812, says, “I doubt their having the means of replacing it (the bridge), or that they will again form such an establishment at that point, however important it is to their objects.”[9]

Their general expressed in Orders his admiration of the discipline and valour of the troops, and in July a letter from the Secretary of State was published expressing the Prince Regent’s approbation of their conduct.  Sir Rowland Hill gained great credit for the decision with which this daring attack was planned and executed, and in memory of the part taken in it by the 1st Battalion, the Gordon Highlanders afterwards received the Royal authority to bear Almaraz on their colours.

Next morning they began their return journey, and on the 21st they re-entered Truxillo, where the inhabitants entertained them at a grand bull-fight prepared in their honour.  Here they halted for two days, which the men employed in washing and cleaning their clothing and accoutrements, the officers being desired to see this thoroughly done, for it has always been well understood in the 92nd how much a clean and smart appearance increases that feeling of self-respect in the individual soldier which compels the respect of others for his regiment.  On the 24th they marched for Merida, and three days later re-entered that pleasant city amid the cheers of the populace and the congratulations of the army left to protect that part of the country.

After drinking the King’s health on his birthday, the 4th of June, they took leave of Merida the next morning and moved to Almendralejo.  Sir Rowland having received intelligence that Marshal Soult was likely to pay him a visit, concentrated his troops at a more advanced point, the whole of the infantry moving forward to Zafra, Los Santos, and Sancho Perez, the 92nd being cantoned in the latter.  On the 13th of June the interest of the troops was kept alive by a severe and gallant action near Llera, between the French cavalry and the British heavy dragoons, in which the latter had a loss of 150 men, part of which they repaid in a skirmish two days afterwards. 

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