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The Gordon
Highlanders The Life of a Regiment |
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The Gordon Highlanders |
[177, Sept 1809] CHAPTER XII
N September 3rd, Sir John Hope’s Division embarked on transports on the eastern Scheldt and dropped down to the Vere-Gat, where they anchored, and for some reason were detained till the 8th, fever and ague increasing so rapidly that before they reached England more than half the men were under medical treatment. To prevent it spreading, the worst cases were removed into boats placed under awnings on deck. The first man who died was a tall handsome Grenadier, and, -seeing that his death had a bad effect on the spirits of the other patients, the officers endeavoured to soothe their excited feelings by kindly and hopeful words. While one of them was so employed, an athletic Grenadier named Willie Milne, whose body was stronger than his mind, leaped deliriously from his boat bed, and was only prevented by the sentry from throwing himself overboard. Early next morning the officer went on deck expecting to find poor ‘Afillie :in the last stage of the disease, but instead of finding him soliciting the grim King of Terrors for a respite, he found him pressing his pay-sergeant for a beef and bread breakfast, which, being against the doctor’s orders, the sergeant was in duty bound to refuse. Then with an appealing look which would have softened a harder heart than that of the worthy n.c. officer, the convalescent Grenadier said, “Weel, weel, Sergeant M’Combie, an ye think the like o’ that o’er strong for my puir stamack, just gang to the cook an’ gar him mak’ me a drap parritch, an’ gude’s sake, sergeant, to mak’ them gey an’ thick!” This request of a man supposed to be dying did as much good to his companions in distress by the merriment it created as the porridge no doubt did to Willie, who lived for many years on a pension which enabled him to mix his meal as thick as he liked.[1] On the 10th, they cast anchor in the Downs, where Colonel Cameron landed, in order to get permission from the first general officer he could find to land the battalion at once. They sailed next day for Harwich, where, owing to contrary winds, they did not arrive till the evening of the 13th. Here the worst cases of fever were landed and consigned to the care of the medical staff ; some were taken in boats to Ipswich, and on the 14th the battalion landed at Land Guard Fort and proceeded that day to Woodbridge Barracks. “Never did I witness,” says an officer, “a spectacle more heartrending than the removal of the sick from the transports to the shore, and thence to Woodbridge. The emaciated figures and thin pale faces of the poor sufferers, the agonised groans which the jolting of the waggons drew from their death-like lips, forced tears from my eyes as I moved along.” [178, Sept 1809] Owing to the state of the battalion from sickness, and the men’s accounts not being settled, no officer was to apply for leave of absence. R.O.—Lieut.-Colonel Cameron strongly recommends officers of companies to provide stirabout with milk or ale for the men’s breakfast, and Mr M’Intosh, acting surgeon to the battalion, is desired to be in the hospital early and late, and never to be out of barracks for more than two hours at a time, and to make constant reports to the commanding officer: “Officers commanding companies will supply each convalescent with a pint of porter daily, as Mr M’Intosh thinks it would be good for them.” For several weeks the sick list daily increased till fully 400 men were in hospital. Many died, and at first were buried with military honours; but afterwards, as the medical officers represented the depressing effect of the” Dead March” on their patients, the music at funerals was stopped, and the mournful processions passed on in silence, broken only by the lamentations of comrades or the wailing of a widow and her orphan children. As the pathetic old song has it—”For the Lowlands o’ Holland hae twined my love and me.” G.O., Headquarters, Colchester.—The general directs that the utmost attention be given to the troops lately returned from the Scheldt, and recommends the greatest attention to cleanliness and moderate exercise, but no long drills or field days. G.O., September 19th, 1809.—In consequence of the ill-health of the 92nd Regiment, they will be excused from garrison duty for a short time, officers excepted. Battalions returned from Holland to be inspected daily by the surgeon, that the first symptoms of illness may be discovered. No band to play near the hospital. R.O., September 18th and 19th.—All fatigue clothing to be well washed. Men not to go about the barrack square in greatcoats. Convalescents ordered exercise by the surgeon to be marched out regularly by Sergeant Duncan M’Pherson of the 4th Company. On the 1st October there were sick in the regimental hospital—4 sergeants, 1 drummer, 4 corporals, and 87 privates; convalescent in barrack rooms—9 sergeants, 7 drummers, 17 corporals, and 277 privates, and a large number of sick n.c. officers and privates were sent for their health to Ramsgate, Deal, Dover, etc. A memo. on the state of October 1st says: — Of the number in hospital, there are about fifty approaching a state of convalescence; the remainder in hospital are in the acute state of the disease. The new cases are but few, and generally slight; the number of deaths have been twenty-one of the sick present. As the disease generally terminates in ague, the recovery is likely to be tedious with approaching season of the year. I am of opinion the greater number of the convalescents will not be fit for active service for six months at least, and even for common duty for some [179, Oct 1809] considerable time. There is no doubt that the disease has made more progress in consequence of the men not having been completely reinstated in their health from the effects of the fever subsequent to the campaign in Spain. (Signed) S. D. M’Intosh, Surgeon 92nd. The battalion continued sickly throughout the autumn, and Colonel Cameron, who had received leave of absence to the Highlands, writes to his parents that the sickness among his men is so distressing that they must excuse him. “I am so wedded to these poor fellows that I cannot leave them in their present state.” He also mentions some of the soldiers belonging to the parts about Locheil where his father lived at Fassiefern, for the information of their families. “The little Bo-man’s[2] son is alive and doing well—he is our quartermaster-sergeant—and Kenedy’s son from Moy, Peter More’s friend, is our sergeant-major. The Bo-man’s son has begged me to forward you (enclosed) one-half of a £10 note to assist his father’s family, the other half he will forward to his brother by next post. He is a very siccar lad.” “Poor MacKenzie from Ballachulish, or rather from Ounich, was taken prisoner in the retreat from Spain, and has not since been heard of.”[3] The colonel also mentions with pleasure that no one of the men who joined along with him had behaved ill or “is even a questionable character. “ But though the commanding officer felt for the sick, he had no idea of allowing any want of smartness or inattention to duty among the healthy, whether officers, n.c. officers, or private soldiers. The Jubilee of King George III was celebrated on the 25th October. One hundred men with a proportion of officers from each corps in garrison attended a thanksgiving service at church in the town of Woodbridge. The garrison paraded at one o’clock, Royal Artillery on the right, 92nd next, Volunteers on their left, the Berwick Regiment and 2nd Hussars (German) on the left of the line. The artillery fired fifty rounds, the other troops firing a feu-de-joie, “the men will give three ‘loud huzzas.’” “The Grenadier Company of the 92nd, with the King’s colour, will then take post in front a little to the right of the main guard, open ranks and present arms as the head of the column comes up to them; the line will then march past in open column of troops. and companies, officers and colours saluting the King’s colour of the 92nd.” The joyful occasion was marked by the release from confinement of all delinquents imprisoned for offences of a military nature. [180, Oct 1809] Dense masses of the population came to see the review, and by re-echoing the cheers of the soldiery, proclaimed the popularity of George III—the father of his people—who had completed the fiftieth year of his eventful reign; and no doubt soldiers and farmers afterwards joined in drinking his health with equal heartiness and cordiality. The officers of the whole garrison dined together at five o’clock, and a grand ball finished the rejoicings. The kilt was not then recognised in England as an evening costume. Sir Walter Scott had not yet thrown over it the glamour of romance, nor had George IV made it the fashion by appearing in it at Court, as he did at Holyrood in 1822. R.O., October 24th.—Officers parade to-morrow in the Highland dress. Staff officers to be present dressed in white pantaloons and half-boots. Officers will appear in white pantaloons and half-boots at the ball on Thursday evening. Colonel Cameron, though a very strict disciplinarian when he saw occasion for it, took all ranks into his confidence. R.O., Woodbridge, November 2nd, 1809.—Lieut.-Colonel Cameron thinks it necessary to inform the battalion that upon the promotion of Corporal Christie, he was not aware of some part of his conduct, which reflects little to his credit as a soldier, when on the expedition to Portugal, or he would not have promoted him upon any condition. Some months after—R.O.—Private Alexander Cameron 2nd, of the Grenadier Company, to do duty as corporal, in the 1st Company. In making Private Cameron a corporal, the commanding officer thinks it proper to acquaint the regiment that although he has had several very strong recommendations in his favour, yet from his former conduct he could not have been induced to appoint him had not Captain M’Donald, commanding officer of his company, assured him that for some time past his conduct had been most exemplary. Again, from the long and faithful service of Private John Davie,[4] the commanding officer is induced to give him another trial as sergeant, and hopes that his future conduct will be such as to show him sensible of such indulgence; and the Order goes on to say how much the good or bad conduct of n.c. officers may influence that of the men who witness it. R.O., November 2nd.—Convalescents to be supplied with flannel waistcoats, as ordered by Mr M’Intosh, and Lieut.-Colonel Cameron recommends, though he does not order, officers commanding companies to supply them to all their men before the cold weather sets in. Captains had the whole responsibility of supplying their men [181, Nov 1809] with all except the clothing, etc., supplied by the colonel, as appears by the following Regimental Order-” There being a quantity of tartan in store, commanding officers of companies are to see that their men do not supply themselves otherwise till this is expended; afterwards, if commanding officers of companies prefer supplying their men themselves, the commanding officer will be very pleased with it.” G.O., Horse Guards, 15th November.—His Majesty has been graciously pleased to direct that widows and children of soldiers who have died at Walcheren shall receive double the allowance which is usually given, to assist them in getting to their homes on the common embarkation of troops; and such as are natives of Scotland or Ireland shall also be provided with a free passage at the public expense. Standing Orders of Regiment, addition to, November 19th, 1809.—When sergeantcies become vacant in the regiment, commanding officers of companies will not recommend for the succession unless called upon to do so. The commanding officer will generally consult them on that head, unless he is perfectly aware of the person most proper to be promoted. G.O., Horse Guards, December 4th, 1809.—No officer shall be promoted to the rank of captain until he has been three years a subaltern; or major till he has been seven years in the service, of which at least two years as captain; and no major shall be appointed lieut.-colonel until he has been nine years in the service. By Christmas the sickness had decreased so much that the daily attendance of the surgeon at parade was dispensed with, but many of the men still required care and attention; and it was positively ordered by the commanding officer that the moment the smallest symptom of the return of the ague appears, the man be at once taken to the doctor. An officer writes in praise of the unremitting exertions of the medical staff of the battalion,” particularly Assistant-Surgeon Dunn, whose humanity would never permit him to absent himself from the beds of the poor sufferers so long as his advice could be of any use; the blessings of the soldiers saluted him at every step.” Up to this time the captains and subalterns of Highland regiments had worn two epaulettes; while in all other corps only field officers did so, the company officer having an epaulette on the right shoulder and nothing on the left. This distinction was done away with by the following order:— G.O., Horse Guards, February 19th, 1810.—The captains and subaltern officers of Highland corps are to conform to the regulations laid down for regular infantry, and are to substitute for the epaulette on the left shoulder (which is to be discontinued) a strap of [182, Feb 1810] the same kind as that of the epaulette, for the purpose of securing the sash.[5] N.B.—Officers of flank companies of Guards and other infantry are to wear a wing on each shoulder with a grenade or bugle horn on the strap. In Regimental Orders, Colonel Cameron” ventures to risk” giving officers leave to continue their two epaulettes till June 4th (the King’s birthday), when all must be according to order. It appears, however, that if Highland officers gave up the left epaulette, it was for a short time only, as they appear with two epaulettes (or wings) in drawings of the Peninsula and Waterloo period. In January the battalion took part in garrison duty, but they were excused all night duty, only going on guard at six a.m., and being relieved by a like number of the Berwick Regiment (Militia) at six p.m.; and by the surgeon’s advice there was no early drill even in April, but only the usual parade for exercise. R.O., 21st March 1810[6]—This being the 21st of March, Lieut.-Colonel Cameron will not degrade the regiment by ordering a Court-martial to assemble for trying a man for so infamous a crime as desertion. A Regimental Court-martial will therefore assemble at eight o’clock to-morrow morning. The Sphinx, which had been taken as the regimental crest on the men’s bonnets, etc., when the Marquis of Huntly commanded, was now put on the bonnets of the officers. R.O., April 6th, 1810.—All officers will, on the 1st of May, wear a silver Sphinx on the cockades of their bonnets in place of the regimental button now worn. The silver Sphinx to be of the same pattern as that now worn on the undressed caps. Lieut.-Colonel Cameron requests that officers, when they go into company, will appear uniformly dressed, particularly with their belts and sashes on. He calls attention to repeated orders against officers walking about barracks improperly dressed, “particularly with round Hatts on.” Officers are invariably, and at all times when they wear the gorget, to have their bonnets and feathers on. The commanding officer is much surprised to see men walking out improperly dressed. No man is ever to pass out of barracks without being dressed in his full uniform, with his side arms. Reference is made to the men showing their belted plaids and kilts, evidently meaning the small belted plaid now worn separate from the kilt. The first mention of the” Highland scarf,” or shoulder plaid, as worn by field officers and afterwards by other officers with trousers, is in Orders for an inspection at Woodbridge. R.O., 26th April 1810.—The battalion will parade to-morrow [183, April 1810] morning at eleven o’clock; assembly to sound at half-past ten. Every person to be present in the best possible order-sick and men on duty only excepted. The duty men to be in complete Highland dress.[7] The convalescents in grey pantaloons, with greatcoats slung. Officers in full Highland dress, with the breasts of their jackets open, and without gorgets. Field and staff officers in white pantaloons and boots, and mounted officers with the Highland scarf on. Ten rounds for Grenadier and battalion companies; twenty rounds for Light Company. The lieut.-colonel informs the officers that he does not intend to make any alteration in the regimental purses of the officers. A circular from the Horse Guards at this time finds fault with a fashion prevailing in many regiments of making the coats too tight to wear the waistcoat under them, and the waistcoat too small to be used as a fatigue jacket in summer, as intended. Also, that the stocks are made too high, and uncomfortable for the men. There was no dry canteen, but married women of good character in the battalion were allowed, “for the support of their families,” to sell bread, vegetables, etc., in the barracks. As many men were still weakly, they were excused guards even by day, and the Berwickshire Regiment was ordered to find all garrison duties; “the 92nd will, however, furnish the fatigue parties.” This continued easy life seems to have been too much of a good thing for the conduct of some among the men. Idleness is the mother of mischief, and there were in those days no recreation or reading rooms to give physical or mental occupation and amusement. R.O., 30th April 1810.—As it is evident to the commanding officer that whatever indulgence he might feel inclined to grant to the regiment is instantly abused, even when given with the intention of re-establishing their health, he is now determined to try the effect of moderate drill with them, and orders two drills a day except Wednesdays, Saturdays, and Sundays. Soldiers were allowed, under peculiar circumstances, to purchase their discharge by a sum of money in place of substitutes, on the following scale: —
Calculated at twice the levy money for each recruit. Up to this time, as far as can be gathered from the Regimental Orders, there had been no instance of mutinous conduct on the [184, April 1810] part of any soldier of the Gordon Highlanders; unhappily, such a case now occurred; but on the man’s repentance, and at the request of Colonel Cameron, the Commander-in-Chief allowed the soldier to volunteer for service in India, and thus save himself and his regiment the discredit of a general court-martial. R.O., 20th May 1810.—Private George Robertson of the Grenadier Company, having conducted himself in a mutinous and disrespectful manner to Captain Dunbar in the execution of his duty, he applied to the commanding officer for a general court-martial for him. But out of regard to the regiment, the commanding officer had induced Captain Dunbar to agree to Robertson’s voluntary wish, who appeared sensible of his gross breach of military subordination, to allow him to be disposed of to serve abroad, which the Commander-in-Chief was pleased to accede to. R.O., Woodbridge, 4th June 1810.—The men in future to wear their new clothing. All the old clothing is to be laid aside, with the exception of the kilt, which the men are constantly to wear, except when on duty or otherwise ordered, when they will appear in their full Highland dress. Convalescents that cannot wear the kilt are never to be seen out of barracks on any account unless regularly marched out of barracks for exercise. Men in hospital to wear old jackets and pantaloons. The commanding officers of companies to explain to their men that on no account whatever is any man to be seen outside barracks without his kilt on and otherwise regimentally dressed. On account of the late sickness in the regiment, the men will be allowed to put on their pantaloons after nightfall, but they are on no account to go out of barracks in that dress. Officers are to wear the Highland dress when on garrison duty, and on Sundays. The men are to be careful to preserve their plain bonnets. These Orders to be read on three successive parades by an officer. The colonel was evidently not an advocate for matrimony. R.O., June 9th, 1810.—From the strong certificate the commanding officer has had of the young woman, and from Private John Campbell’s own good character, he has granted him permission to marry; at the same time, it is forming a connection which he strongly wishes to recommend every soldier to avoid, and his consent can never be obtained but when the most unquestionable certificate can be produced of the moral good character of the female. It being considered that complete change of air would be of advantage to the invalids, it was determined to move the battalion to Canterbury, and on the 14th of June they were held in readiness. Sobriety is not the virtue of northern nations, and in the early [185, June 1810] part of the century it was more, even than now, a vice common to the English, the Scots, and the Irish. Though it was more actively discouraged among soldiers, they, having ready money and spare time, were not far behind their civilian compatriots in their indulgence in intemperance; and the Gordons seem to have found the Saxons’ strong ale a very sufficient, though perhaps not so rapid a means of drowning their cares as their own mountain dew. As their regimental poet sang of English quarters, “ Far an dhuair sinn leann am pailteas ged bha mac-na-praisich gann oirn.”[8] On the 8th of July, Colonel Cameron tells the men that should he ever observe the drunkenness he had seen that day, he will adopt severe measures, and will also immediately apply to have the battalion put on duty. On the 11th of July the 1st Battalion marched to Land Guard Fort,[9] where it embarked, landed at Ramsgate, and arrived at Canterbury on the 20th. R.O., Headquarters on board the “Diligent” Transport, July 19th, 1810.—Lieut.-Colonel Cameron begs leave to return his thanks to the men for their exemplary good conduct upon the march for embarkation, in consideration of which he will forgive the only two exceptions which came under his notice, though they were very glaring ones, in hopes that they will conduct themselves equally well upon disembarking. He wishes he could thank the officers for their undivided attention to the service upon the march, but he was sorry to observe a greater attention on the part of some to their private concerns than to the service. He will avoid mentioning individuals, but those that marched with loads of household furniture may be aware he alludes to them, and he can only say, next time he marches with the regiment he ‘,.vill have a general inspection of baggage previous to the march. He assures the officers, that he considers the regiment disgraced and affronted by the scramble about baggage, the quantity being more like a regiment of Militia than a regiment of the Line. . . . Officers are requested to be very particular at the landing at Ramsgate as to the men being well turned out. The convalescents to be regularly marched, as many of them as possible in the Highland dress. R.O., July 22nd, Canterbury.—As the regiment is to be inspected [186, July 1810] by Lieut.-General Nicols to-morrow morning, the commanding officer expects every man will be in the best possible order in full Highland appointments. The convalescents that wear the pantaloons will be sent to the hospital to-morrow morning at nine o’clock, there to remain till ordered to join their companies. Those that parade in the kilt will fall in with their companies properly dressed. Pioneers with their pioneer appointments. Regimental officers in Highland dress, jackets open, without gorgets. Field officers and staff officers in white pantaloons and half-boots. Officers of companies not to pay their men till after the inspection. 24th July.—In future at the morning drills and parades the men will wear their white jackets, kilts, and new forage caps, in which dress every man to appear till after dinner, when they will resume their regimentals.[10] The battalion was also inspected on the 25th by Major-General the Bon. Charles Hope. On August 1st, 1810, the number of sick in hospital had been reduced to 1 lieutenant, 1 sergeant, 3 corporals, and 81 privates, and the sick absent—in England, 8 privates; in Scotland, 3 lieutenants, 2 sergeants, 2 corporals, and 10 privates; in Ireland, 1 lieutenant and 1 ensign. Colonel Cameron went on leave, and Major MacDonald assumed the command on the 29th, and” is very much mortified at the very shameful excess of drunkenness to-day, and what adds to the impropriety and disgrace is its being Sunday.” He calls on officers and n.c. officers “to mark in the most severe manner” this shameful conduct, and orders a regimental court-martial for the trial of the principal offenders. R.O., August 6th.—The commanding officer grants permission to a few men, who are in debt, to work in order to clear themselves. August 9th.—Major MacDonald is very sorry to find some of the men still persevere in irregularity, particularly some men of the Light Company. One word to the n.c. officers of the Light Company, that they had better look sharp, for this is the second instance within a few days of several men of that company being brought to punishment, which they might have prevented if they had formerly done their duty. D.O., Canterbury, 18 th August 1810.—In consequence of the very precarious state of the weather, Lieut.-General Nicols directs that every possible assistance should be afforded by commanding officers of corps throughout the Kent district for expediting the getting in of the corn harvest. [187, Aug 1810] In consequence of this Order, 3 sergeants and 128 rank and £;e of the battalion were allowed leave of absence to work at the harvest. D.O.—Lieut.-General Nicols finds it necessary to remind officers of one of the first things they are informed of on joining ,their corps, viz. that by His Majesty’s Orders officers while present with their corps are to appear only in their regimentals. At Canterbury twenty-one invalids were sent to Chelsea to go before the Pension Board for discharge, their greatcoats, purses, belted plaids and new forage caps being received from them and taken into store. They are all given characters as “good”—”a good man and a good soldier,” “a very good man”—except one, “very indifferent,” presumably a German musician named Ferdinand Vicarmann. The foregoing extracts from Orders and letters give a sketch of the life of the Gordon Highlanders on home service at this period. The 1st Battalion had, as we have seen, been employed during the last two years in Denmark, Sweden, Portugal, Spain, and Bolland. It was destined soon to proceed again to the Peninsula and to take an active part in the campaigns of the next four years in Portugal, Spain, and France. The climate of Kent restored the health of the men, and they were now fit, not only for duty at home, but for active service abroad, though the effects of the Walcheren fever and ague were afterwards felt by many when put to the test of exposure and hardship. Since the embarkation of Sir John Moore’s army at Corunna in January 1809, the French had possessed themselves of that important fortress and of a great part of Spain. The Spaniards had been defeated at all points; Saragossa and Gerona, after heroic defence, had been obliged to capitulate. The Spanish Junta took refuge in Cadiz, which, in February 1810, was invested by a French army, and 6000 British troops assisted in the defence. Marshal Soult had invaded Portugal and stormed Oporto. The small British force left by Sir John Moore, when he advanced into Spain, was concentrated under Lieut.-General Sir John Cradock for the defence of Lisbon. The Government felt that the fate of Britain was inseparably connected with that of the Peninsula; that so long as the war was maintained there, it would be averted from the shores of Britain; and it determined to stand by Spain to the last. Large reinforcements were sent to Portugal; Portuguese troops were raised by conscription, taken into British pay, and commanded by British officers. In April 1809, Lieut.-General Sir Arthur Wellesley was appointed to command the army in the Peninsula. By the famous passage of the Douro he compelled Soult to retreat from Oporto—a retreat which was much more disastrous to [188, Aug 1810] the French than was that of Sir John Moore to the British six months before. The French disgraced this retreat by the most savage cruelty,[11] and their discipline and conduct were infinitely worse than that of Sir John Moore’s army. Their losses amounted to about a fourth of the whole troops that were attacked on the Douro, besides all their artillery ammunition and even a considerable part of their muskets.[12] The advance of Marshal Victor obliged Sir Arthur to desist from the pursuit of Soult and join the Spanish General Cuesta, who in March had been totally defeated by Marshal Victor at Madellin. The combined forces under Wellesley were attacked at Talavera on the 27th and 28th July 1809, and the French army, commanded by Joseph Bonaparte, was defeated.[13] For this victory Sir Arthur Wellesley was raised to the peerage by the title of Viscount Wellington. Private John Cameron of the 92nd appears in Regimental Returns as killed on July 28th; he was probably one of the Corps of Detachments mentioned by Napier as having done good service in this campaign. Three officers, 8 sergeants, and 71 rank and file of the 92nd formed part of the 1st Battalion of Detachments, which also contained details from the 28th, 38th, 43rd, 52nd, and 95th Regiments (Fortescue). The company was composed of those left on duty and sick in Portugal when Sir John Moore entered Spain, and also of some who had escaped from the French after being taken prisoners on the retreat to Corunna. In April 1809 it was proposed with the pay sergeant’s approval to make their kilts into trousers. A deputation of soldiers went to the captain and got this order countermanded. They often met with attention on account of their strange dress. At Coimbra a number of them visited the famous library, where the professors and librarian were very civil and told them that they had books in all European languages, and that one or other of the professors could talk in each tongue. Sergeant M’Bain tried them with Gaelic, and afterwards boasted that he had defeated the most learned men of Portugal. The company formed part of the 1st Battalion of Detachments at the famous passage of the Douro and the capture of Oporto, when the battalion lost about 50 officers and men killed and wounded, but the number of casualties in the 92nd [189, Aug 1810] Company is not given. At Talavera, July 27th and 28th, 1809, the 92nd Company, then about 60 rank and file, lost 6 killed and 24 wounded, of whom Nicol was one. The British having retired after their victory, their wounded were left to the care of the French, who treated them well. They lay in the same rooms with the French wounded in the town of Talavera. When the French retreated and the Spaniards arrived, the wounded Frenchmen feared they would be murdered. One of their convalescents, whose duty it was to fetch water from a well in the street, always borrowed a Highlander’s kilt and hose, saying he was safe now as a “Grenadier sans-culottes.” The 92nd officers of the company being on the sick list, it was commanded at Talavera by Captain M’Pherson of the 35th. After the battle of Wagram (July 1809), Napoleon had reached the height of his greatness, and the peace with Austria enabled him to throw into the conflict in the Peninsula the veteran troops which had been employed on the Danube. In April 1810, he had espoused Maria Louisa, daughter of the Austrian Emperor. He now proposed to subjugate Portugal, as well as Spain, and the army of Portugal, 90,000 strong, under Massena[14] threatened to carry out the proposal. Ciudad Rodrigo and Almeida were captured by the French; and Viscount Wellington was obliged to fall back on the strong mountainous position of Busaco, where, on the 27th September 1810, with his British and Portuguese troops, he gallantly repulsed the French under Massena and Reynier, with a loss of 1800 killed and 3000 wounded—among them the Generals Foy and Merle. It was the first time the Portuguese troops had stood victoriously beside the British against the French, and the moral effect on the conduct was most important. Wellington, with the foresight and caution which are as necessary to success in a general as gallantry and activity, had, during the previous twelve months, employed the British engineers in forming the lines of Torres Vedras; he now retired his army to this stronghold, which the advanced guard reached on the 8th of October, and by the 15th the whole army was collected within the lines, now completed and armed with 600 guns. This was the state of affairs when the 1st Battalion 92nd, commanded by Major Archibald MacDonald, landed at Lisbon on the 8th October 1810. It had been held ready for embarkation by District Orders, Canterbury, September 9th, and embarked at Deal, 21st September, on board the ships Audacious, Apollo, and Vestal.[15] [190, Oct 1810] The officers who landed at Lisbon on October 8th, when the Gordon Highlanders entered on this memorable and romantic campaign, were:—
Major
Archibald MacDonald.
Captain
Donald M’Donald.
Lieutenant J.
L. Hill.
Lieutenant Allan
M’Nab.
Ensign Patrick Leitham. Officers Absent Colonel the Hon. Sir John Hope, Lieut.-General. Lieut.-Colonel Cameron, on the way to join.[16]
Captain J.
Seton, duty at Canterbury.
Lieutenant Angus
Fraser, duty in Portugal
[1] “Military Memoirs.” [2] Cattleman [3] This man, according to his relations still at Onich, seems to have rejoined afterwards, was at Waterloo, and retired on a pension. [4] John Davie had been one of the original sergeants in 1794. [5] Officers and sergeants of other corps wore the sash round the waist. [6] The anniversary of the Battle of Alexandria. [7] That is, with plaids and purses, neither of which were worn on ordinary occasions. [8] “Where we got ale in plenty, though the son of fermentation (whisky) was scarce to us.” [9] By Act passed 1810, soldiers on the march, in place of having full diet provided by the innkeepers or others, are only to have one hot meal provided, consisting of 1 1/4 lb. of meat weighed before being dressed, 1lb. of bread, 1lb. of potatoes or its equivalent in other vegetables, pepper, vinegar, and salt, and two pints of small beer. The Government is to pay 3d. for this meal. The horse soldier is to contribute 7d. and the foot soldier 5d. out of his pay and beer money towards this sum of 8d., and the soldiers are to receive the difference between this 8d. and 1S. 4d., the sum formerly paid for full diet, in order to provide themselves with other articles of subsistence. [10] The usual walking-out dress was red jacket, feather bonnet, and kilt without purse. When the purse was to be worn it was specially ordered—either “full Highland appointments” or “the men will have on their purses.” [11] Alison. [12] Ibid. [13] On the day after the battle General Craufurd, with the 43rd, 52nd, and 95th (Rifle) Regiments, arrived. Having been falsely informed that Wellington had been defeated on the 27th, Craufurd, withdrawing fifty of the weakest men from his ranks, pressed on with the utmost expedition, arriving on the morning of the 29th, these gallant men having in twenty-six hours covered sixty-two English miles, carrying from 50 to 60 b. each. They left only seventeen stragglers en route, and immediately took charge of the outposts. The above time and distance are from Napier. Oman, however, gives “43 miles in 22 hours,” which is probably correct. [14] Massena, a Marshal of France, Prince of Essling, and Duke of Rivoli. [15] Embarkation Return of 1st Battalion 92nd Regiment of Foot at Deal, 21st September 1810:—Colonel, 0; lieut.-colonel, 0; majors, 2; captains, 7; lieutenants, 14; ensigns, 5; paymaster, 0; adjutant, 1 ; quartermaster, 1 ; surgeon, 1; assistant-surgeons, 2; sergeants, 48; drummers, 17; rank and file, 821; women, 16; children, 4. [16] Lieut.-Colonel Cameron had gone on his long-deferred leave, and was grouse-shooting at Cluny in Badenoch when he heard of the battalion being ordered for service, and at once started to join. The following extract from a letter from him on arrival in London shows the difficulty and expense of travelling in 1810:—”I arrived here at five o’clock this morning. I had an outside and inside place on the mail, and by changing with Ewen (Ewen M’Millan, his soldier servant) stage by stage, we made it out without stopping at York. Guess my travelling expenses, without including one other iota, from Cluny to London, Ewen and I, £36. Ewen is in bed all day; but I have not been in bed since we left Edinburgh, having been at all the offices during the day.” (In 1810 the time occupied by the mail between Inverness and London was six days.—Hay’s Post Office Recollections.) After all, he was too late for the battalion, but joined with “Ewen” on the 20th October at Torres Vedras. [17] Alison. Yet at this time, Members of Parliament, backed by a considerable part of the British public, entirely without experience of war, and ignorant of the special difficulties he had to contend with, were clamouring against Wellington because he had not followed up his success at Talavera. This page was last updated on Saturday, 28 November 2009 |